Cold War Fears

What were the Cold War fears of the American people in the aftermath of the Second World War? How successfully did the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower address these fears?

Use the documents and your knowledge of the years 1948-1961 to construct your response.

Document A

Source: Dwight Eisenhower, press conference, March 1954.

There is too much hysteria. You know, the world is suffering from a multiplicity of fears. We fear the men in the Kremlin, we fear what they will do to our friends around them; we are fearing what unwise investigators will do to us here at home as they try to combat subversion or bribery or deceit within. We fear depression; we fear the loss of jobs. All of these, with their impact on the human mind, makes us act almost hysterically, and you find the hysterical reactions.

Document B

Source: John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State, June 1954.

If world communism captures any American State, however small, a new and perilous front is established which will increase the danger to the entire free world and require even greater sacrifices from the American people.

This situation in Guatemala had become so dangerous that the American States could not ignore it. At Caracas last March, the American States held their Tenth Inter-American Conference. They then adopted a momentous statement. They declared that "the domination or control of the political institutions of any American State by the international Communist movement . . . would constitute a threat to the sovereignty and political independence of the American States, endangering the peace of America."

Document C

Source: Life magazine, May 1955.

Document D

Source: Saturday Evening Post, October 1956.

On last June twenty-ninth, with President Eisenhower's signature, one of the most astounding pieces of legislation in history quietly became a law. Public Law 627 represents such a monumental conception of national public works that its accomplishment will literally dwarf any previous work of man. . . . That new title-the National System of Interstate and Defense Highways-tells the story of the road network, which will receive the major portion of the brave new effort to get this country out of its national traffic jam. The Interstate System . . . is the 40,000-mile network of existing roads which comprise our trunkline highways; it connects 209 of the 237 cities having a population of 50,000 or more and serves the country's principal industrial and defense areas.

Document E

Source: U.S. News and World Report, December 1957. 

MUST U.S. TAKE

THE FIRST BLOW? 

The Problem of "Massive Retaliation" in the Missile Age

Document F

Source: Special Message to the Congress from President Eisenhower on Education, January 1958.

Because of the national security interest in the quality and scope of our educational system in the years immediately ahead, however, the Federal Government must also undertake to play an emergency role. The Administration is therefore recommending certain emergency Federal action to encourage and assist greater effort in specific areas of national concern. These recommendations place principal emphasis on our national security requirements. . . .

If we are to maintain our position of leadership, we must see to it that today's young people are prepared to contribute the maximum to our future progress. Because of the growing importance of science and technology, we must necessarily give special-but by no means exclusive-attention to education in science and engineering.

Document G

Source: Historical Statistics of the United States, Statistical Abstract of the United States, Department of Commerce.

Document H

Source: President John F. Kennedy, inaugural address, January 1961.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. . . .

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge, but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course-both sides overburdened by the cost of modem weapons, both rigidly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

The BOMB!

Directions: The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretation of Documents A-H and your knowledge of the period referred to in the question. In your essay, you should strive to support your assertions both by citing key pieces of evidence from the documents and by drawing on your knowledge of the period.

The United States decision to drop an atomic bomb on Hiroshima was a diplomatic measurg calculated to intimidate the Soviet Union in the post-Second-World-Warera rather than a strictly military measure designed to force Japan's unconditional surrender.

Evaluate this statement using the documents and your knowledge of the military and diplo- matic history of the years 1939 through 1947.

Document A

Source: Memoirs of Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson (1947)

The principal political, social, and military objective of the United Statesin the summer of 1945 was the prompt and complete surrender of Japan. Only the complete destruction of her military power could open the way to lasting peace. ... In the middle of July, 1945, the intelligence section of the War Department General Staff estimated Japanese military strength as follows: In the home islands, slightly under 2,000,000; in Korea, Manchuria, China proper, and Formosa, slightly over 2,000,000; in French Indo-China, Thailand, and Burma, over 200,000; in the East Indies area, including the Philippines, over 500,000; in the bypassed Pacific islands, over 100,000. The total strength of the Japanese Army was estimated at about 5,000,000 men. These estimates later proved to be in very close agreement with official Japanese figures. ...

As we understood it in July, there was a very strong possibility that the Japanese government might determine upon resistance to the end, in all the areas of the Far East under its control. In such an event the Allies would be faced with the enormous task of destroying an armed force of five million men and five thousand suicide aircraft, belonging to a race which has already amply demonstrated its abi1,ity to fight literally to the death.

The strategic plans of our armed forces for the defeat of Japan, as they stood in July, had been prepared without reliance upon the atomic bomb, which had not yet been tested in New Mexico. We were planning an intensified sea and air blockade, and greatly intensified strategic air bombing, through the summer and early fall, to be followed on November 1by an invasion of the southern island of Kyushu. This would be followed in turn by an invasion of the main island of Honshu in the spring of 1946. The total U.S. military and naval force involved in this grand design was of the order of 5,000,000 men; if all those indirectly concerned are included, it was larger still.

We estimated that if we should be forced to carry this plan to its conclusion, the major fighting would not end until the latter part of 1946, at the earliest. I was informed that such operations might be expected to cost over a million casualties, to American forces alone.

Document B

Source: Memoirs of General H. H. Arnold, Commander of the American Army Air Force in the Second World War (1949)

The surrender of Japan was not entirely the result of the two atomic bombs. We had hit some 60 Japanese cities with our regular H. E. (High Explosive) and incendiary bombs and, as a result of our r,aids, about 241,000 people had been killed, 313,000 wounded, and about 2,333,000 homes destroyed. Our B-29's had destroyed most of the Japanese industries and, with the laying of mines, which prevented the arrival of incoming cargoes of critical items, had made it impossible for Japan to carry on a large-scale war. ...Accordingly, it always appeared to us that, atomic bomb or no atomic bomb, the Japanese were already on the verge of collapse.

Document C

Source: Dwight Eisenhower, recollections of a July 1945 meeting with President Harry Truman (1948)

Another item on which I ventured to advise President Truman involved the Soviet's intention to enter the Japanese war. I told him that since reports indicated the imminence of Japan's collapse, I deprecated the Red Army's engaging in that war. I foresaw certain difficulties arising out of such participation and suggested that, at the very least, we ought not to put ourselves in the position of requesting or begging for Soviet aid. It was my personal opinion that no power on earth could keep the Red Army out of that war unless victory came before they could get in.

Document D

Source: Agreements of the Yalta Conference (February 11, 1945)

Agreement - Regarding Japan

The leaders of the three Great Powers-the Soviet Union, the United States of America and Great

Britain-have agreed that in two or three months after Germany has surrendered and the war in

Europe has terminated, the Soviet Union shall enter into the war against Japan on the side of the Allies on condition that: 

1. The status quo in Outer Mongolia (The Mongolian People's Republic) shall be preserved;

2.   The former rights of Russia violated by the treacherous attack of Japan in 1904 shall be restored, viz.:

(a) the southern part of Sakhalin as well as all the islands adjacent to it shall be returned to the Soviet Union,

(b) the commercial port of Dairen shall be internationalized,the preeminent interests of the Soviet Union in this port being safeguarded and the lease of Port Arthur as a naval base of the U.S.S.R..restored,

(c) the Chinese-Eastern Railroad and the South Manchurian Railroad which provides an outlet to Dairen shall be jointly operated by the establishment of a joint Soviet-Chinese Company, it being understood that the preeminent interest of the Soviet Union shall be safeguarded and that China shall retain full sovereignty in Manchuria. ...

The Heads of the three Great Powers have agreed that these claims of the Soviet Union shall be, unquestionably, fulfilled after Japan has been defeated.

For its part the Soviet Union expresses its readiness to conclude with the National Government of China a pact of friendship and alliance between the U.S.S.R. and China in order to render assistance to China with its armed forces for the purpose of liberating China from the Japanese yoke.

(signed) JosephV. Stalin, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston S. Churchill

Document E

Source: British Prime Minister Winston Churchill's recollections of news received during the Potsdam Conference, July 1945(1953)

On July17 world-shaking news had arrived. ...

The atomic bomb is a reality. ...Here then was a speedy end to the Second World War, and perhaps to much else besides. ..Up to this moment we had shaped our ideas towards an assault upon the homeland of Japanby terrific air bombing and by the invasion of very large armies. ...

Now all this nightmare picture had vanished. In its place was the vision-fair and bright indeed it seemed-of the end of the whole war in one or two violent shocks. ...

Moreover, we should not need the Russians. The end of the Japanese war no longer depended upon the pouring in of their armies for the final and perhaps protracted slaughter. We had no need to ask favours of them. A few days later I mentioned to Mr. Eden: "It is quite clear that the United States do not at the present time desire Russian participation in the war against Japan." The array of European problems could therefore be faced on their merits and according to the broad principles of the United Nations. We seemed suddenly to have become possessed of a merciful abridgment of the slaughter in the East and of a far happier prospect in Europe. I have no doubt that these thoughts were present in the minds of my American friends.

Document F

Source: Nuclear physicist Leo Szilard's recollection of a 1945

A meeting between James Byrnes and a group of concerned atomic scientists(1949)

The question of whether the bomb should be used in the war against Japan came up for discussion. Mr. Byrnes did not argue that it was necessary to use the bomb against the cities of Japan in order to win the war. He knew at that time, as the rest of the Government knew, that Japan was essentially defeated and that we could win the war in another six months. At that time Mr. Byrnes was much concerned about the spreading of Russian influencein Europe. ...Mr. Byrnes' concern about Russia I fully shared, but his view that our possessing and demonstrating the bomb would make Russia more manageable in Europe I was not able to share. Indeed I could hardly imagine any premise more false and disastrous upon which to base our policy, and I was dismayed when a few weeks later I learned that he was to be our Secretary of State.

Document G

Source: Report of a Scientific Panel (composed of nuclear physicists A. H. Compton, Enrico Fermi, E. O. Lawrence and J. R. Oppenheimer) to the Secretary of War (June 16,1945)

The opinions of our scientific colleagues on the initial use of these weapons are not unanimous: they range from the proposal of a purely technical demonstration to that of the military application best designed to induce surrender. Those who advocate a purely technical demonstration would wish to outlaw the use of atomic weapons, and have feared that if we use the weapons now our position in future negotiations will be prejudiced. Others emphasize the opportunity of saving American lives by immediate military use, and believe that such use will improve the international prospects, in that they are more concerned with the prevention of war than with the elimination of this special weapon.

Document H

Source: Harry S Truman, radio address (August 1945)

I realize the tragic significanceof the atomic bomb. Its production and its use were not lightly undertaken by this Government. But we knew that our enemies were on the search for it. We know now how close they were to finding it. And we know the disaster which would come to this nation, and to all peaceful nations, to all civilizations, if they had found it first. That is why we felt compelled to undertake the long and uncertain and costly labor of discovery and production.

We won the race of discovery against the Germans.

Having found the bomb, we have used it. We have used it against those who attacked us without warning at Pearl Harbor, against those who have starved and beaten and executed American prisoners of war, against those who have abandoned the pretense of obeying international laws of warfare. We have used it in order to shorten the agony of war, in order to save the lives of thousands and thousands of young Americans.

We shall continue to use it until we completely destroy Japan's power to make war. Only a Japanese surrender will stop us.

END OF 1988 DBQ DOCUMENTS

No DBQ on the New Deal!!

I know this will upset you, but I was mistaken in thinking I had a DBQ on the New Deal. It is on the Cold War, which is next. Sorry for the mess up... See you on Tues.

Dr. Zink

Chapter 29

Chapter 29

Roosevelt and Progressivism, 1901–1912

This chapter is about the new wave of reform efforts—called Progressivism—that swept the country in the early years of the twentieth century. Recalling a similar reform mentality in the 1830s and 1840s, it was aimed at the excesses of monopoly, corruption, and social injustice that were the by-products of industrial growth and urbanization. Progressives were mostly middle class people seeking to reform the capitalist system, not overthrow it. The idea was to make government an active force for good, not just a neutral bystander.

        1.     Roots of Progressivism (pp. 664–667)
a. On p. 664, the authors say the “battle cry” of the Progressives was to “Strengthen the _________,” not overthrow it. What do they conclude was the “real heart” of the movement?

            b. Economist Thorstein ___________ attacked the “conspicuous consumption” of the rich and journalist Jacob A. _________ exposed the sordid lives of urban slum-dwellers. Theodore Roosevelt called these commentators who ruthlessly exposed the system’s excesses “___________________.” They included people like Lincoln _____________, who exposed corruption in the cities; Ida M. _______________, who exposed shady dealings within the Standard Oil Company; and David G. ______________, who pointed out the degree to which big-money interests controlled the Senate.

        2.     Political Progressivism (pp. 667–669)
a. Read the first paragraph of p. 667 carefully. It describes progressive reformers as feeling themselves “squeezed from above and below.” *** Considering the growing disparities in wealth and power between rich and poor, what pressures were these mostly middle class people feeling “from above”? What danger did they perceive “from below”?

                (1) From above:

                (2) From below:

            b. Politically, reformers sought to take power from the “special interests” and return it to “the people.” Many states today live with “progressive” institutions such as the ______________, which allows citizens to put issues directly on the ballot by petition; the ______________, which allows citizens to vote on measures passed by the legislature; and the ___________, which allows citizens to remove elected officials from office. U.S. senators, who had previously been elected by state ______________, now were subject to direct election by the people as a result of the _____ Amendment passed in 19____. Gradually, progressive state governors such as Robert M. _________ of Wisconsin, Hiram W. ___________ of California, and Charles Evans ________ of New York were able to reduce the power of special interests, turn city government over increasingly to professional managers, and pass laws controlling the excesses of capitalism.

        3.     Progressive Women (pp. 669–672) Middle class women, though still without the vote and direct political power, became active in the movement for reform, generally focusing on working conditions (particularly after the 1911 fire at the Triangle ____________ Company) and other issues of family concern. As a result, new laws were passed protecting women workers. *** Do you approve of the results of the 1908 Supreme Court case of ___________ v. Oregon? What do you think of the Court’s reasoning that “woman’s peculiar structure” requires special protections (i.e. do you see a conflict between “special protection” and the concept of “equality”)?

                (1) Results:

                (2) Reasoning:

        4.     Roosevelt and Reform (pp. 672–676)
a. Roosevelt, though a sturdy friend of business, was swept up in the need for some basic reforms. He called his program the “_________ Deal” and his program centered on the “three Cs”—control of ____________, protection for the ___________, and ______________ of natural resources. Roosevelt’s threat to “call out the troops” during the anthracite _______ strike of 1902 was significant because it was the first time that the federal government had intervened on behalf of ______________ (owners or labor). The section called “Corralling the Corporations” points out that Roosevelt did take on the railroad barons by strengthening the Interstate _____________ Commission and by successfully breaking up the northwestern railroad monopoly called the ___________ Securities Company, headed by moguls J. P. __________ and James J. ________, and by initiating some forty antitrust lawsuits. Did Roosevelt believe that large business combinations were bad by definition? What was his view of the proper relationship between government and business?

                (1) Roosevelt’s view of “trusts”:

                (2) Government and business view:

            b. Roosevelt took action to protect consumers in 1906 through passage of the Meat ___________ Act and the Pure _______ and _______ Act. This resulted directly from an expose of the meat-packing industry called The ______________ written by novelist Upton ______________.

        5.     Roosevelt and the Environment (pp. 676–681) Roosevelt, and his forestry chief Gifford ________, saw the need both to conserve natural resources for future generations and to develop them. The ___________ Act of 1902, for example, started the massive damming of western rivers and associated irrigation projects. *** After reading the essay about “The Environmentalists” and the summary of Roosevelt’s “conservation” philosophy, how do you compare that philosophy to that of someone such as John Muir, who might be called a true “environmentalist”?

                (1) Roosevelt the “conservationist”:

                (2) Muir the “environmentalist”:

        6.     Summing up Roosevelt (pp. 681–683) Note that in the election of 1908, Socialist Eugene Debs polled nearly half a million votes. Socialism was gaining wide popularity in Europe as an alternative to the excesses of free-market capitalism. *** Under socialism, _____________ (government, individuals, or corporations) own(s) the “means of production” (like factories) and _____________ (government, individuals, or corporations) make(s) the key economic decisions about allocation of resources (like who makes how much of what product). The authors sum up Roosevelt on p. 682 by saying that he was “the cowboy who started to tame the bucking bronco of adolescent capitalism, thus ensuring it a long adult life.” *** In your own words, what do you think they mean by this metaphor?

        7.     The Taft Years, 1909–1913 (pp. 683–686) Taft worked to expand American investments abroad, called “__________ Diplomacy,” and he initiated many antitrust lawsuits, including one against the U.S. _________ Company that infuriated Roosevelt, further splitting the Republicans into the Progressive and “______ Guard” wings. His actions brought Roosevelt back to challenge for the presidency in the election of 19_____.

Chapter 28

Chapter 28

America on the World Stage, 1899–1909

        1.     Part Five Introduction (pp. 644–646) This introduction gives you a preview of the authors’ answers to the many key questions about America in the first half of the twentieth century that will be addressed in the next nine chapters. Look at this section and list three major questions that may interest you.

                (1)

                (2)

                (3)

        2.     Philippine “Insurrection” (pp. 646–648)
a. The authors devoted eight pages in the last chapter to the five-month Spanish-American War, but only two pages here to the far more brutal three-year war against Filipino nationalists seeking their independence. The U.S. president who decided to keep the Philippines after the war was William ______________. The leader of the “insurrection” in the Philippines was Emilio _____________, while the first American governor of the Philippines was future president William Howard ________. The Philippines were not granted their independence until after World War II, in 19____.

            b. *** Given what you may already know about American involvement in Vietnam in the 1960s, compare and contrast that experience with our suppression of the Philippine independence movement in 1899–1901. Would you have pursued the same or a different policy?

                (1) Similarities:

                (2) Differences:

                (3) Your view:

        3.     China and the “Open Door” (pp. 648–651) Trade with China has always been a prize coveted by countries around the world. At the turn of the century, a weak China was being carved up by European powers and the United States was late getting into the game. Secretary of State John ______ then worked to get acceptance of an “_________ Door Policy” which would respect Chinese rights while opening up the market to all comers. Anti-foreign feelings in China erupted in the “_________ Rebellion” of 1900, which was suppressed by a large international military force.

        4.     The Rise of Roosevelt (pp. 652–655)
a. Look at the highlighted quotes from Senators Beveridge and Hoar on p. 653. What is the essence of their arguments for and against U.S. imperialism?

                (1) Pro-imperialism (Beveridge):

                (2) Anti-imperialism (Hoar):

            b. In the election of 1900, the Republicans renominated William _____________ but then added the young war hero Theodore _____________ to the ticket as vice president. The Democrats again nominated the energetic orator William Jennings ____________. The party that stressed free silver and anti-imperialism in the election was the _________________ , while the _______________ Party stressed prosperity and the gold standard. In September 19___, the re-elected McKinley was assassinated and the amazing Roosevelt took over. List a few of the words used by the author to describe this remarkable man:

            c. *** What is your view as to whether or not a virile, cheerleading flag-waver such as Roosevelt could get elected in America today? Why or why not?

        5.     Panama Canal (pp. 655–657)
a. Why did the United States want to see a canal built across Central America?

            b. The French had tried unsuccessfully to build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama and were willing to sell their rights to the United States Panama was then a province of ____________. When that country did not accept the American proposal to build a canal across its territory, what was Roosevelt’s aim in so quickly coming to the aid of those who wanted to secure independence for Panama? Was his ploy successful?

        6.     “Big Stick” in the Caribbean (pp. 657–658)
a. The policy used by Roosevelt to justify intervening in Latin American countries to help collect the debts owed to European countries (ostensibly to keep the European countries from intervening to collect the debts themselves) was called the _____________ _______________ to the Monroe Doctrine. What is the essence of the Monroe Doctrine and how was this essence modified by Roosevelt?

                (1) Monroe Doctrine:

                (2) Roosevelt’s “Corollary”:

            b. What does Roosevelt’s “Big Stick” Policy in the Caribbean refer to? *** What do you think of this view that the U.S. should be the “protector” of Latin America?

                (1) “Big Stick”:

                (2) Your view:

        7.     Asian Relations (pp. 658–661) This section discusses how the great warrior Roosevelt actually won the _________ Peace Prize for mediating the 1904–1905 _________-Japanese War. It also talks about the influx of _____________ (nationality) workers into Hawaii and California before and after this war. An incident of school segregation in the “liberal” city of San ________________ in 1906 caused an international crisis that only ended with the so-called “_________________ Agreement,” whereby the Japanese government stopped issuing visas to additional immigrants. (Note: You will see in Chapter 36 how many of these Japanese immigrants, and their offspring, ended up in internment camps during World War II.) As a final show of American power in the Orient, in 1907 Roosevelt sent a naval task force called the “_________ _________ Fleet” on a world tour ending in Tokyo Harbor and leading to the Root-______________ Agreement with Japan.

VARYING VIEWPOINTS

American Imperialism

        1.     The authors rightly point out the contradiction between American imperialism and the ideals of the American Revolution combined with the country’s democratic ideals. Summarize the three interpretations for American expansionism at the turn of the century (and, off and on, throughout our history) that the authors discuss in this section.

         a. The “Aberration” School (Pratt, Hofstadter, Beale)

                Yellow Press:

                “Psychic Crisis” of the 1890s:

                “International Peer Pressure”:

            b. The “New Left” School (Williams, Lenin, LaFeber)

                Economic motivation:

                Strategy of “Informal Empire”:

         c. “Race/Gender” Interpretation

                Race:

                Gender:

        2.     *** Of this mix of explanations, which ones do you feel the authors stressed most in the last two chapters? Do you have any views on the motivations behind American expansionism?

Chapter 27

Chapter 27

U.S. Imperialism, 1890–1899

                  Note: The next two chapters cover the second great wave of expansionist fever to hit the country—after the “Manifest Destiny” phase of the 1840s. Think about why it was that, at the end of the century, the feeling again arises that the country must “expand or explode.”

        1.     Imperialist Stirrings (pp. 623–625) What do the authors mean by the following causes they ascribe to the new imperialist stirrings:

                (1) Overseas markets:

                (2) “Yellow press”:

                (3) Missionary impulse:

                (4) Racism/Darwinism:

                (5) New Steel Navy:

        2.     Venezuela and Hawaii (pp. 625-628) In 1895–1896, when President Cleveland thought that ________________
(a European country) was getting too powerful in Latin America, his Secretary of State Richard ___________ tried successfully to invoke the _____________ Doctrine in a boundary dispute with Venezuela. Although war almost resulted, the precedent of the United States acting as the “protector” of Latin America was further established. *** After reading the section on the 1893 planter “revolt” in Hawaii and the eventual annexation of Hawaii in 1898, do you see any similarities between these events and the way that Texas and California came into the Union?

        3.     Cuba and War with Spain (pp. 628–631) Americans sympathized with the renewed Cuban fight for independence from Spain, especially when the incoming Spanish General “___________” Weyler attempted its violent suppression. To sell newspapers, the two big “_____________” (a color) journalists, William R. __________ and Joseph _____________ played up this brutality. They got their sensational story in February 1898 when the battleship _______ blew up in Havana Harbor. Although the American reaction was one of outrage, the authors conclude that the Spanish probably _________ (did or did not) blow up this ship. When McKinley asked for a war declaration, Congress agreed and further “self-righteously” passed the _______________ Amendment, which forbade annexation of Cuba after a successful war. *** Pause here to reflect on the causes and justification for war with Spain. In 1898, would you have been one of those pushing for intervention, or would you have opposed a war declaration? Why?

        4.     Spanish-American War of 1898 (pp. 631–636) Going beyond his authority, Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore ___________ had ordered Commodore George _______ to attack the Spanish outpost in ____________ should war break out. Although having little relevance to the liberation of Cuba, this attack was a _______________ (success or failure). The capture of Manila was aided by the local revolutionary leader Emilio ______________.

Theodore ______________ resigned from the government and helped form a regiment called the Rough ____________ that captured _____ ________ Hill near the city of _________, leading to a naval victory over the Spanish fleet. Many more Americans died of tropical diseases than from bullet wounds, and the war was over within four months. *** Secretary of State John Hay dubbed this a “splendid little war.” After reading the military history, what do you think?

        5.     Annexing the Philippines—Imperialism or No? (pp. 636–639) As a result of the peace treaty signed with Spain in 1898, Cuba was freed (with reservations!) and the United States took over responsibility for the former Spanish possessions of ________, _______________ , and the __________________. President ____________ then faced the “devil’s dilemma”—what to do with the Philippines. Should he keep them and try to join the world’s imperialist powers, or should he set them free as had been done in Cuba? List three imperialistic factors that convinced McKinley to keep the islands and three arguments against annexation used by the newly organized Anti-Imperialist League. ***Evaluate these arguments. Which arguments are strongest and weakest in your opinion?

                    Imperialist Arguments                Anti-Imperialist Arguments

                (1)

                (2)

                (3)

                (4) Your opinion:

        6.     Problems of Empire (pp. 639–643) Congress granted limited self-government to the island of _________ _________ and, in 1917, gave its people U.S. citizenship. Cuba was governed until 1902 by U. S. General Leonard _________, after which, as required under the ____________ Amendment, U.S. troops withdrew. However, Cuba was forced to write the so-called __________ Amendment into its own constitution. What were the three conditions of Cuban independence (the consequences of which are still evident today) written into this amendment?

             (1)

                (2)

                (3)

Antebellum Compromises

The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretation of Documents A-H and your knowledge of the period referred to in the question. High scores will be earned only by essays that both cite key pieces of evidence from the documents and draw on outside knowledge of the period.

1. In the early nineteenth century, Americans sought to resolve their political disputes through compromise, yet by 1860 this no longer seemed possible. Analyze the reasons for this change.

Use the documents and your knowledge of the period 1820- 1860 in constructing your response.

Document A

Source: Senator Henry Clay, speech to the Senate, February 12, 1833

I merely throw out these sentiments for the purpose of showing you that South Carolina, having declared her purpose to be this, to make an experiment whether, by a course of legislation, in a conventional form, or legislative form of enactment, she can defeat the execution of certain laws of the United States, I for one, will express my opinion that I believe it is utterly impracticable, whatever course of legislation she may choose to adopt, for her to succeed. . . . I say it is impossible that South Carolina ever desired for a moment to become

a separate and independent state.

Document B

Source: "Declaration of the National Anti-Slavery Convention," first annual report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 1834

[W]e believe and affirm: That every American citizen who retains a human being in involuntary bondage as his property is (according to Scripture) a MAN STEALER. That the slaves ought instantly to be set free. . . . That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are . . . , before God, utterly null and void, being an audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative. . . . [Tlhat no compensation should be given to the planters emancipating their slaves. . . . [That], if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the outraged and guiltless slaves and not to those who have plundered and abused them. [That] we concede the Congress under the present national compact, has no right to interfere with any of the slave states, in relation to this momentous subject [slavery]. But we maintain that Congress has a right . . . to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several states, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its [Congress's] exclusive jurisdiction.

Document C

Source: Resolution of the Pinckney Committee, House of Representatives, May 18, 1836

And whereas it is extremely important and desirable, that the agitation of this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the adoption of the following additional resolution:

All petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers relating in any way or to any extent whatsoever, to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall without being either printed or referred, be laid on the table and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.

Document D

Source: Senator Daniel Webster, speech to the Senate, March 7, 1850 

Mr. President, I wish to speak today, not as a Northern man, but as an American. . . .

I will state . . . one complaint of the South . . . that there has been found at the North, among individuals and among the legislatures of the North, a disinclination to perform fully their constitutional duties in regard to the return of persons bound to service who have escaped into the free states. In that respect, it is my judgement that the South is right and the North is wrong. . . .

I hear with pain and anguish the word "secession," especially when it falls from the lips of those who are emminnently [sic] patriotic, and known to the country, and known all over the world for their political services. Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle. . . . I hold the idea of a separation of these states-those that are free to form one government and those that are slaveholding to form another-as a moral impossibility. We could not separate the states by any such line if we were to draw it. We could not sit down here today and draw a line of separation that would satisfy any five men in the country.

Document E

A picture of Senator Preston Brooks bludgeoning Senator Sumner

Document F

Source: Muscogee, Georgia, Herald, quoted in the New York Tribune, September 10, 1856

Free society! We sicken at the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operatives, small-fisted farmers, and moon-struck theorists? All northern, and especially the New England, states are devoid of society fitted for well-bred southern gentlemen. The prevailing class one meets with is that of mechanics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers who do their own drudgery, and yet are hardly fit for association with a southern gentleman's body servant.

Document G

Source: Abraham Lincoln, speech at Alton, Illinois, October 15, 1858

You may say ...that all of this difficulty in regard to the institution of slavery is the mere agitation of office seekers and ambitious Northern politicians. . . . But is it true that all of the difficulty and agitation we have in regard to this institution of slavery springs from office seeking-from the mere ambition of politicians? . . . How many times have we had danger from this question? . . . [Dloes not this question make a disturbance outside of political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them asunder? . . . Is it not this same mighty, deep- seated power that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up in every avenue of society-in politics, in religion, in literature, in morals, in all manifold relations in life? Is this the work of politicians?

Document H

Presidential Map of 1860